Austronesian–Ongan languages
| Austronesian–Ongan | |
|---|---|
| (proposed) | |
| Geographic distribution: |
Southeast Asia, the Pacific and Madagascar |
| Subdivisions: | |
| Glottolog: | None |
Austronesian–Ongan is a proposed connection between the Ongan and Austronesian language families, published in Blevins (2007). Ongan is a small family of two attested languages in the Andaman Islands, while Austronesian is one of the largest language families in the world, with a thousand languages spread across the Pacific.
Sound correspondences[edit]
Blevins (2007) proposes the following sound correspondences:
| Proto-Austronesian (PAN) | *p | *t | *k | *q | *ku | *qu | *ʔ | *b | *d | *g | *s, *S | *c, *C | *z | *j | *h | *m | *n | *ny | *ŋ | *N | *l | *r | *R | *w |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Proto-Ongan (PO) | *p | *t | *k | *kw | *ʔ | *b | *d | *j, *g | *c | *j, *y | *h, *y, *∅ | *m | *n | *ny | *ŋ | *l, *y | *l | *r | *l, *r | *w | ||||
There is neutralization and sometimes loss of final nasals in Proto-Ongan, with final **n merged into Proto-Ongan *ŋ, and final **m and **ny partially merged into *ŋ. (The latter merger, and loss, may post-date Proto-Ongan.) Final (oral) stops are lost in multisyllabic words (unstressed syllables?) in Proto-Ongan.
Initial **b drops from Proto-Ongan before **u and perhaps before **i.
**qw and **kw become *kw in Proto-Ongan, and *q/k or *w in Proto-AN.
Proto-Ongan and Proto-AN share a typologically odd restriction against root-initial *m-.
Vowel-initial words in Proto-Ongan correspond to *q in Proto-AN; because the Austronesian forms often include doublets, Blevins believes this is due to epenthesis in Proto-AN.
| Proto-Austronesian (PAN) | *i | *u | *a | *ə | *ay# |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Proto-Ongan (PO) | *i | *u, *o | *a, *e | *e | *e# |
Final **ay has become *e in Proto-Ongan. *e also derives from **a before palatals, word-finally, and when unstressed.
Proto-Ongan *o typically derives from **u in a checked syllable, or from assimilation as in **wa.
Proto-Ongan *ə is thought to have been an allophone of *e, found before coda nasals except after palatals.
Grammatical correspondences[edit]
Most derivational morphology and grammatical words are so short that the several resemblances between Proto-Ongan and Proto-AN may be chance. However, Ongan morphology does appear to explain an odd situation in Austronesian.
Proto-Austronesian has a limited set of reconstructed vowel-initial roots, all of which are kin terms, body parts, or other readily possessed nouns. Ongan languages have inalienable possession, and inalienably possessed nouns are all vowel initial. Elsewhere, vowel-initial roots in Proto-Ongan correspond to initial *q- in Proto-Austronesian. The complete list of vowel-initial Proto-AN roots reconstructed by Blust is as follows:
- Kin
- *aki grandfather; *ama father, paternal uncle; *aNak child; *apu grandparent/grandchild; *aya paternal aunt; *ina mother, maternal aunt
- Body
- *ujung/ijung nose; *ikuR tail; *iSeq urine; *uRat vein, sinew; *utaq vomit
- Other
- *asu/wasu dog; *aCab cover; *ian home; *uNay splinter
These are all the kinds of words expected in inalienable-possession systems.[1] Blevins suggests that inalienable possession was lost from Proto-Austronesian, presumably after epenthetic *q- was added to vowel-initial words. There are many Proto-AN doublets like *wasu, *asu 'dog'; initial *w- has also been lost from *w-anaN 'right side' and *w-iRi 'left side' in Pazeh and other languages, from what Blust describes as "some now-obscured morphological process".[2] Blevins suggests that in all three cases, the Proto-Austronesian *w- reflects the Proto-Ongan possessive prefix *gw- 'his, her', which remained as a fossil in some daughter languages. Thus proto-Austronesian–Ongan may explain some of the odd patterns found in proto-Austronesian.
References[edit]
- Blevins, Juliette (2007), "A Long Lost Sister of Proto-Austronesian? Proto-Ongan, Mother of Jarawa and Onge of the Andaman Islands", Oceanic Linguistics 46 (1): 154–198, doi:10.1353/ol.2007.0015 (available here)
